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So, Maggie is apparently unhappy with how the PM is handling the economy. Strip away the fact that her government legislated to ban Christmas and made it compulsory to jab puppies with knitting needles. Ignore, for a minute, the fact that the big-bang loadsa money ethos of the 80s which created a culture of invincibility in the City and destroyed our manufacturing base got us in the mess we’re in and is hampering our ability to get out of it. No, let’s not dwell on the apartheid-supporting, democracy-emasculating, section-28isms, which, when we look back are kind of endearing. I mean, she never really meant any harm did she?!
Let us instead take a little closer look at one of the underlying arguments that the Lady (and many other Tories) is making. That argument is this: the Tories are the economically competent ones who have always come in to clear up the mess of a Labour government. To see if this is true, or indeed a pile of horse-shit, let’s work through post-war governments of both stripes (with tongue slightly in cheek) and hopefully try and dismantle some of the mythology around Thatcher that she somehow was Britain’s saviour.
OK.
1945-1951: Labour. Despite the fact the country had nearly bankrupted itself defeating the Thousand-Year Reich, the government managed to create the NHS, a universal welfare state, and nationalise pretty much whatever wasn’t bolted down (and a lot of things that were). Yes, there was a devaluation, but this was more than anything brought on by the ridiculously over-ambitious crash rearmament programme that preceded the Korean war. In implementing Beveridge, it aimed for a total employment figure that, whilst well meant, 30 years hence would prove massively inflationary.
1951-1964: Tory. Some good stuff might have happened but I’m not propagandising for the other side. Suez wasn’t so good, causing a run on the pound so epic that Britain was forced into a humiliating climbdown. Later, under Macmillan, the whole Treasury Team (Chancellor and Ministers) resigned because the Tories handling of the economy was, to put in bluntly, piss-poor.
1964-1970: Labour. England win the World Cup, liberalisation of laws concerning homosexuality, divorce and abortion, and the OU is founded/new universities are built offering access to higher education for hundreds of thousands of people. Another devaluation, arguably reflecting the UKs deteriorating industrial performance since the mid-50s onwards (when much of European industry was able to start competing again after being flattened in the war) and the unwillingness of governments of either party to take on vested interests and modernise. In short, not spectacularly competent on the economy, but no worse than the preceding Tory shambles.
1970-1974: Tory (well some of them would like to disown Heath but he was one of yours guys. Sorry!) Anyway, Rolls Royce nationalised, percentage of the economy controlled by the state highest ever recorded. 3 day week. Miners strike. Other bad things.
1974-1979: Labour. Industrial unrest continues. Inflation takes hold (see 1945-1951), unions don’t help. ‘Winter of Discontent.’ BUT by 1976, an ideological shift (if not shared by all Labour members as a whole) had taken place. Callaghan addresses the Labour conference and rejects throwing money at things. Healey goes to IMF and shows signs that he gets it too. In short, much of the heavy lifting for Thatcher is already going on. But boy did she put her own stamp on it…
1979-1997: Tory. That woman (followed by some grey bloke). Rather than saying, yes, Britain suffers from some serious structural problems (outdated industry, over-mighty unions) that with work, patience and courage can be turned around, she unleashes an economic blitzkrieg which, when dealing with the ossified Morrisonian public corporation dinosaurs only means one thing. Unemployment. Massive, intergenerational unemployment. Crime rockets. Homelessness soars. Riots in Toxteth, Notting Hill and Trafalgar Square. Wearing of red braces and stripey shirts made compulsory within the square mile, as are phones the size of hot-hatches. Sunshine privatised and metered back to the poor… Then Major comes along and does something. No-one remembers what exactly it is he does (except for muffing it up royally on Black Wednesday and losing an MP in bizarre circumstances). Also, the Hamiltons. Don’t forget them.
1997-?: Labour. A new Jerusalem. Death and illness are abolished. Poverty and suffering outlawed. Commentators complain when budget surpluses and proceeds from wavelength auctions are used to pay off national debt. “Surely a bit of debt doesn’t matter?” they say…
So, to wind up an overly long piece, what I’m saying is that post-war economic management by governments of both colours was pretty ropey. But, and this is a big but:
1. Labour governments still managed to do some pretty awesome things whilst we were going to hell in a handcart.
2. Callaghan (and Healey) are the ones who deserve the credit for bringing us to our senses. As Oliver Kamm puts it, “[Callaghan's] greatest single achievement was to destroy Socialism as a serious proposition in British politics. The principal turning point… in the past 60 years was not 1979, when Mrs Thatcher took office, but 1976″ (see 1975-1979 for the reason why).
So, unsurprisingly it appears that Lady T is talking rubbish.
In the history of the Labour Party, no one is quite as reviled as the ‘turncoat’ PM Ramsay MacDonald. In the face of the Great Depression, rising unemployment, and a growing budget deficit, MacDonald proposed cutting public spending and raising taxes to defend the currency and balance the budget: this saw the collapse of a Labour government (and near destruction of the Parliamentary Labour Party) and in so doing furnished the left with one of it’s most treasured legacies: that it is only through betrayal that socialism has never been realised. Moreover, it explains the psychology of how Labour is responding to the current crisis.
Keynesian economics gained much credence in the wake of what was seen as MacDonald’s austere deflationary programme: thus the idea that ‘something must be done’ in the current crisis is perpetuated. That Keynesian economics (at least as practised) was ultimately proved wrong, that purchasing a little economic stability now stores up huge dislocations later, and that in trying to pump-prime a retail sector bloated will only perpetuate the causes of instability seems beyond the point: the most corrosive element of Keynesian thought to make a comeback is the obsession with the short-term. Rather than focussing on how to keep unemployment low today, the focus should be on what will create the new jobs of tomorrow. UK R&D spending, along with productivity, lags behind other developed countries and it is these that will impede a recovery when it comes.
The most apposite comparison is Germany (which recently dismissed the pre-budget report as irresponsible). In the post-war period Germany focussed on having a stable currency and low inflation. Britain focussed on Keynes instead, and set eye-wateringly low level of unemployment as the primary macroeconomic target. This came at a huge cost in terms of productivity which ultimately led to the collapse of much of UK manufacturing. We are in danger of making the same mistakes now in response to the credit crisis, and though it is painful for a Labour supporter to admit, we may see the destruction of a reputation for economic competence that New Labour worked hard to achieve as a Labour government once again approaches the exit door with high unemployment, a devalued pound, and a budget deficit running out of control.
So, what is to be done? I cannot claim to have any easy answers, but given a historical trade deficit something must be done to return the UK to a position of being a net exporter. We can only finance more debt if there is a prospect that we will, as a nation, have the means to service it. This means supporting innovation, cutting regulation and taxes where necessary, and promoting research and development. It also means updating Britain’s dilapidated transport infrastructure. This however, may all prove to be academic.
The continuing collapse in the value of the pound predates the news that a second bailout may be required for the banking sector. How this bailout is financed is important. It has been calculated that the UK’s external debt is now 400% of GDP so extra borrowing is going to be extremely difficult to finance unless you consider the politically toxic option (for Labour) of going cap-in-hand to the IMF (there is the other option of ‘quantitative easing’: printing new money like wallpaper in laymen’s terms but how this prevents a further slide in the value of the pound is beyond me). So, if the economic situation worsens and more specifically liquidity in the banking system dries up, Labour will be faced with the option of cutting public spending dramatically or bankrupting the country. Faced with that alternative, it might seem that Ramsay MacDonald wasn’t so wrong after all. Would the left admit as much? Of course not. However, it would be a pyrrhic victory for orthodox economics if this came to pass.
A great piece in Tuesday’s FT by Vernon Bogdanor, Professor of Government at Oxford. I would hope, what with Miliband’s intervention yesterday as well, that there is still not only time, but also more importantly the desire (too many people are indulging in fatalism) for Labour to re-find a sense of purpose whilst still in office and renew itself for another term.
Really good piece over at Progress on the lessons from Crewe and Nantwich. Essentially, the argument is that by going on class we appear anti-aspirational and this is what is turning both working and middle class voters off from us. I think there’s a lot to this. Having recently re-read Philip Gould’s Unfinished Revolution, I think it’s an important point to remember in that attacking modest wealth and middle class lifestyles we don’t just turn off the middle classes: we also turn off all of those Labour voting working class people who aspire to having a bit more material comfort.
Even in 1997, people had a fear- they were genuinely afraid- of what a Labour government would do to their standard of living. The New Labour coalition worked because it binned the politics of envy. We threw away the stale politics of trying to overthrow a system that people could live with (and worked) and replace it with one that didn’t. We became comfortable with people wanting to better themselves: we forget that at our peril.
For what it’s worth, my suspicion is that at the next General Election the Tories will have a slick campaign but will fundamentally have not changed in terms of policy (rather like Labour in 1987). This will be because the parliamentary party and the wider party are essentially reactionary and not signed up to Cameron’s ‘progressive’ agenda. It’s incumbent on us therefore to get a positive message out there (rather than this ridiculous toff nonsense), focus on getting the economy back on track, and start highlighting the gulf between a Labour Britain and a Tory one.
Amongst all the talk of overthrowing Gordon Brown the Tories have said that if Labour ‘forces another unelected Prime Minister’ on the country they’ll try and force an election. I’m not a constitutional expert, but two points stand out here:
1. Prime Ministers don’t have to be elected- they only need to be able to command a majority in the House of Commons
2. Related to 1, as long as any Labour Leader commands a majority in the Commons, how can the Tories win a vote of no confidence?
Now whilst it can be argued that the person of Prime Minister is integral to the identity of government (therefore favouring a poll every time that a new Prime Minister kisses hands) this argument is often made by the same people who decry the presidential nature of the premiership. In short, the critics can’t have it both ways.
Whether the public would wear another change of leader without a poll entirely depends on the circumstances: indeed, there were (Tory) people who said Gordon Brown shouldn’t hold a poll last autumn precisely because he would have won and this would have been a manipulation of the public sentiment. To sum up, there is no constitutional reason why there should be an election if the leadership changes: indeed, the only people who’ll be calling for one will be those who think they can win…
It might just be me, but politics at the moment seems so chroncially boring I just want to switch off completely. Whether it’s the self-feeding, media-induced sense that there is crisis in the heart of government or the constant predictions of how big the Tories’ majority will be, I’ve lost interest in the next general election two years before its probable date. So, OK, things have gone wrong in the last six months but mistakes get made by governments of all colours- it just happens that we’ve had a particularly concentrated period of them that’s not been helped by the media acting as a feral pack and deliberately trying to destabilise things further. Looking abroad as well, there’s nothing to get cheered about: the European project still seems to have stalled and needs to get a new sense of momentum, the centre-left is in retreat across the EU, and McCain is going to win in November regardless of who gets the Democrat nomination (besides, both Democrat candidates are so lousy I’m not sure that’d be such a bad thing). Anyway, I hope to rejoin the fight soon but quite frankly, at the moment, I just don’t care…
I’ve never been a fan of George Monbiot. I remember watching a programme he made on climate change and thinking it was the most intellectually incoherent argument that I’d ever seen. Ever keen to propound what I’m increasingly led to call ‘trendy leftism’, George has gone one further. Apparently, “This government has been the most right-wing since the second world war.” Of course it has George. Now trot along, eat some muesli, and leave serious comment to people who are able to construct an argument.
Even better though is this. “One fact alone should disqualify this government from office: we have a cabinet of war criminals.” Now I don’t want to dredge up Iraq: that said, I think that this kind of line, which is used to compare the government to the Nazis, is pretty disgraceful. Like a lot of people who like to adopt fashionable causes (more, I suspect, out of wanting to look with-it than from any deep-held principle), Monbiot is more interested in posturing than achieving. Like parts of the party in the past, he seems to believe that campaigning involves finding a cause, writing polemics about said cause, and then getting bitter after the inevitable defeat.
But it doesn’t have to be like that. As Polly Toynbee identifies (also in today’s Grauniad), this government has done more for poor pensioners and young people than any other since Lloyd George. Yes there’s more to do. Yes we have to reconnect with people’s concerns. But these concerns are primarily economic in nature: inflation, mortgage rates and tax. As such, they can be addressed by sensible measures and a firm hand. Whilst the global situation reduces our room to act, we can still make a difference for ordinary people struggling with the increasing cost of living. Surely, that is more important than brandishing the spectre of Nuremburg?
Denis MacShane has just written a paper called The Crisis of the Democratic Left which is written in the aftermath of the local elections. It contends that there is a crisis in the left which is reflected by the fact that only three EU member states have governments formed by parties associated with the Party of European Socialists. MacShane attributes a collective loss of way to ten factors: all are interesting, if not necessarily completely spot on. However, the one that interests me most right now is the idea that the left shows no interest in culture, especially high culture, or history.
This is something that resonates personally: I’ve certainly felt reluctant to talk about the latest art exhibition, opera performance, or musical recital I’ve been to when in the company of party members. It just doesn’t seem appropriate. Perhaps to that extent it’s a self-perpetuating thing of which I am equally guilty of continuing as anyone else. Private Eye regularly claims that this is the most philistine government ever elected: though I disagree with that assessment (the arts are flourishing through better funding) the broader idea, that the left shuns culture, is one that is hard to dismiss immediately.
To some extent, it’s a problem that is more marked in the UK than elsewhere in Europe: it was either Nicholas Henderson or Peregrine Worsthorne that decried the fact that whilst French Socialists are happy to sit in offices adorned with Louis XV furniture, your typical British Labour minister is expected to make do with something akin to a portakabin with plastic chairs. Look, for example, at the furore created when Derry Irvine engaged in redecorating the Lord Chancellor’s apartments.
This has been exacerbated by the fact that part of the New Labour project was explicitly anti-historical, treating the UK as a young country. This in itself perhaps came out of a desire to ignore the past as a time of obscurity for the party, a time of division, drift and defeat. The knock-on was that Britain forgot who it was, lost a sense of self-esteem and became confused about it’s true identity: knocking on doors regularly reveals the fact that a good number of people have a negative view of the country, that there is an impression that things are going down-hill, that decline is inevitable. The boom in popular history books and TV programmes is surely indicative of a wider hunger to rediscover the past?
Whilst the politics of decline have been ever-present in post-war Britain, the reality is that far from declining, Britain is in a remarkably strong position internationally: our armed forces are second only to the US, London is a global city to rival New York, unemployment is low and growth has remained robust in the face of difficult global economic circumstances. Yes, more needs to be done, but one would imagine that for starters there is enough to be proud of, non?
The problem is that national self-esteem is inextricably linked to the question of national identity. This in turn is related to culture and a country’s approach to it. Returning to the example of French Socialists, I am enamoured with the French idea of Grandeur. This is most epitomised by the actions of the ‘old fascist’, De Gaulle, in the immediate aftermath of the liberation of Paris (and will hopefully drag us closer to the conclusion of this terribly long entry).
The poet Paul Valéry had died in 1945 and it was one of De Gaulle’s first acts to grant Valéry a state funeral. More than that, De Gaulle led the cortege through the streets of Paris to the cathedral of Notre Dame despite the fact that there were German snipers still on the roofs of many buildings. In this way De Gaulle connected with a sense of Grandeur, a sense of nation that transcended institutions and focussed on cultural identity. He set the mood music for a revived French nation in the aftermath of its lowest ebb.
In the UK, we are fortunate in that we do not have to recover from anywhere near as big a dent to our collective self-confidence. However, whilst the government is currently trying to address the identity question, it seems to be tackling this solely in terms of reforming institutions, passing laws or creating obligations. Until we can broaden out our conception of identity to include its cultural context, to change the mood music of the nation if you will, I can’t help but think that these efforts will be in vain.
[FIN]
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